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A STUDY ON CASTE HIERARCHY IN TRAVANCORE

Dr. S. Kalaiarasu
Associate Professor of History, Arignar Anna College, Aralvoimozhi – 629 301, Kanyakumari District.

The social setting in Tamilnadu at the dawn of twentieth century had to be processed by analyzing the nature of the social conflict and the accumulative effect of the forces generated by the conflict. The Brahmins, who were on the apex of the Hindu society, were ordained to be the masters in deciding social and religious values of the entire Tamil society. They had no serious threat until the rise of the non-Brahmin movement.1 It is well-known that the Brahmins acquired position and power and claimed superiority.2 The voice of their authority was unconditionally accepted in religion, politics, literature and social life. This situation continued even after the British rule and in spite of the introduction of English education. During the British regime, the Brahmins were able to hold command over the entire society with the help of religion and the caste system.3

The Hindu society was a complex one in which the religion and the caste system were inextricably intertwined in such a way that one could not be separated from the other. The western philosophies did not have any impact on the nature of the social setting in Tamilnadu during the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century. In the beginning, the only beneficiaries of the western education and philosophies were the Brahmins. In-fact, even after the spread of the new pattern of education, the social evils of the early period continued.

The caste-ridden Hindu society enjoyed the backing of the Sastras for its existence and the Hindu law perpetuates it to co-exist with all the paraphernalia of modernism. It has the support of the varna shramadharma and Manusmriti, the laws of the mythic legal codifier, Manu. With the introduction of the British rule in India, the foundations of the system got shaken and a number of social reformers throughout India tried to introduce changes in the existing social order. They have also gained moral and legal support for their designs.4

The concept of varnashramadharma has been interpreted in many ways.  According to Gandhi, varnashramadharma is an ideal system of the society, in which full equality and free mobility among the people of different varnas or castes are guaranteed. To him, caste is the Hindu way of life. However, in Tamilnadu it is considered as a system alien to the natives and it is argued that there exists no distinction among the different castes on the basis of varna or colour.5 Varnashramadharma is of Sanskritic origin and not a Tamilian concept.6 But, it cannot be denied that in the Tamilian concept of social order too, there exists social distinctions right from the beginning of recorded history.7 Dr. Ambedkar pointed out the untouchables from the Tamil speaking region of South India look high caste Tamils, not like untouchable Punjabis in the North West, who are indistinguishable from higher caste Punjabis.8

In Tamilnadu, social divisions existed from the Sangam Age down to the present day. These divisions were considered kulams or they were social divisions based on avocations to which the different groups of people been attached and as such they may be conceived as geographical divisions other than social ones. Free social intercourse existed among these divisions and they became endogamous units with the fusion of the Sanskrit culture and the varnashramadharma.

These historical narratives seem to remain still as matters to be proved by authentic evidences. Identification of the Brahmins, who migrated to the South with the Aryans from the north, were considered as Tamil Brahmins. They became the sole representatives of the indigenous Dravidian stock. But at the same time Brahmins were well.  Versed in Sanskrit and their social life and customs were governed by the Sanskritic culture and the code of Manu. They valued the code of Manu more than the indigenous customs and practices of Tamilnadu. They formulated the concept that the Brahmins of Tamilnadu were the representatives of the Sanskritic culture.

Even today, among the non-Brahmins, there is an ardent desire to move upwards in the social order, at the apex of which they hold the position. Among the gold and metal smiths there is a belief that they all belong to a particular sect and they also claimed as Brahmins. Brahmins thus tend to see in the social order.9 Prof. M.N. Srinivas is of the opinion that this tendency among the members of the lower strata in the Hindu society to raise in the social hierarchy to a higher level is the process of Sanskritisation.10

Periyar was a strong critic of the Brahmanical doctrines. To Periyar, the term, ‘Sudra’, is a synonym for a slave and carries the implication that all sudras (non-Brahmins) must do all the manual work from which Brahmins are exempled by Brahminical doctrines.11 It is argued that this system affected social, legal and functional distinctions because of caste, which was unknown to the Dravidians. Brahminism and the code of Manu which sanctioned discrimination and exploitation by Brahmins foisted the Dravidians.12

The Hindu society of India got its first jolt with the introduction of the British rule in the country and exhibited a willing submission to social changes towards the close of the twentieth century. Together with the British administrators, a number of Christian Missionaries worked for a social change. The aim of those Missionaries was to enlist as many votaries as followers to their religious fold. They propagated the gospel of Jesus Christ through the medium of service to the society and humanity. As the champions of education and medical care, they happened to be in a better position to make large scale conversions in India. Tamilnadu was not an exception to it. Conversion to the different Christian faiths has to be viewed with historical, social and political aspects. Economic and social causes have had its significant role in conversions.13

In the first instance the religions were politically in a better position, because it was patronized by the rulers. The rulers wielded sufficient support to those who desired to convert themselves to their religious faith. Economically, the rulers influenced the ruled by offering financial support and decent government jobs. However, in the case of India, more than the above incentives, the social restlessness of the lower section of the Hindu society termed a basic reason for large-scale conversions.14 This process was very important in the further south, particularly in Tamilnadu. It can be statistically established that almost all the converts to Christianity, with the exception of a microscopic minority belonged to the lower strata of the Hindu society. Thus, the inner contradictions in the Hindu society paved the way for large scale conversions of the sudras and panchamas in the Hindu society.

It seems that the varna model of the caste system was harmoniously shifted to the different regional systems of the caste hierarchy.15 But the fact is that in the South, there emerged an opposition to the varna model with the spread of western education and the literary renaissance in the Tamil language and literature. Tamil scholars like Maraimalai Adigal, Devaneya Pavanar and Manonmaniam Sundaranar noted the difference between the varna and the indigenous models from literature and pointed out that the Tamil concept of social organization was a different entity which has nothing to do with the varnashramadharma of the Sanskritic culture. Their arguments centered round the immortal work, ‘Tirukkural’ which is a moral code for the Tamils.

Manonmaniam Sundaranar was very clear when he made his clarion call that one should think of the code of Manu that prescribes different laws to different varnas, in case he has understood the Thirukkural of Thiruvalluvar flawlessly.16 Thus, began the new era of Tamil scholarship to some extent aided by European savants like Beschi, Caldwell and others. In his book Arivuraik Kothu, Maraimalai Adigal condemned the Brahmins, and asked the question, ‘do you think that the non-Brahmins will get fair justice?’. The book invoked a hue and cry from the Brahmins.17

The social situation in Tamilnadu, as was the case throughout India, seems to have remained unabated and unaffected in spite of the spread of the new ideas that emerged because of English education and the assurgence of ancient literature. The tragic situation of the sudras and the panchamas was that they were destined to be the untouchables.18 A. Aiyamuthu, a Gandhian social worker who took part in the Vaikkom Satyagraha against untouchability, gives a picturesque description of the pitiable condition of the untouchables in the society, in his autographical work, “My Reminiscences”. In the street in-front of the Thanumalaiyan temple at Suchindrum, a town in the Kanyakumari District of Tamilnadu, animals like pigs, donkeys and dogs are free to move about and they are free to use the street for excretion. But a section of the human beings are not at all permitted to walk through those streets nor worship the God in the temple. Such a fate has gripped Hinduism.19 This is not an isolated instance; it was the situation throughout the country until recent times.

Social equality is denied to non-Brahmins in the field of religious rituals.  In the temples of Tamilnadu, only after the chanting of the vedic hymns, the Brahmins served the offerings of the devotees and the non-Brahmins are permitted to chant the hymns from the Tamil Thevaram and to receive the prasatams.20 It is also said the Brahmins do not usually visit the houses of the non-Brahmins even to enquire condolences. The men of the higher castes are permitted to have marital relationship with the women of the lower castes, either as their wives or as concubines. But, a male member of the lower caste should not marry a woman of the higher caste, and he should not even think of such a relationship. If a person with such a desire is found, he shall be inflicted with cruel punishment inflicting such punishment stable.21

However, no one can say the course of incidents that induced a number of castes in Tamilnadu to follow the varna model of caste system. The circumstances that led to the Tamil castes had to reconcile with the sastras and protected the varna model in case they had to secure status in the society and for that purpose a number of Tamil castes mentioned themselves as vaisyas. One among the castes was the Nattukkottai Nakarattaar. They considered themselves as Buu-vaisyars.22 Whatever may be the arguments put forward to disprove the existence of Aryan and Dravidian cultures, it is an accepted fact that the two cultures are different. But, is can be said that both the cultures have mingled in such a way that it is difficult to distinguish one form the other. Those who tried to prove the two cultures are different and they are influencing two different sections of the society in Tamilnadu.23

Scholars are of the opinion that, only a particular section of the society is mainly responsible for the evils of the society. The caste distinctions and untouchability prevailed even among the non-Brahmins and were protected. It existed everywhere but only the degree of the pollution varied from caste to caste and depending on the position of the caste in the order in the hierarchy. The villages were scenes of these evils of the caste system. Untouchability was rampant even among the well educated people. It is to be noted that such havoc existed not only among the Hindus, but also among the Christians too, but in the Islamic faith there is no room for any such distinctions.24 It may be possible because of the intention of the Christian Missionaries to strengthen their camp, irrespective of the social imbalances which the converts demanded to be carried over to their newly found religious faith. That is the reason why, there are caste distinctions in to fold of Indian especially Tamilnadu Christians.25

Periyar is of the opinion that an untouchable can escape from untouchability by his conversion to the Islamic faith. He advised the untouchables to join the Islamic faith and not because he considered the Islamic faith better, but to avoid the untouchability and sudhrahood. So large scale of conversions happened due to the inhuman treatment meted out to their brethren by the so-called high castes in the Hindu society.26 In this context, the Christian Missionaries seemed to have shut their eyes against perpetuating the caste hierarchy even after the conversions of the people belonging to various castes. It is of course, a fact that the nature of the Hindu society during the eighteenth, nineteenth and in the first quarter of the twentieth centuries was responsible for the conversions. Official favors, educational facilities, financial help and the like induced the people to change their religious faith in this category.

Apart from the details enumerated in the foregoing paragraphs about the nature of the social setting at the dawn of the twentieth century, it will not be complete, if the social status enjoyed by the different castes are not fully analysed. The Ezhavas and Pulayas of Tranvancore were not permitted to walk through the street in front of the Vaikkom temple, but a Muslim was permitted to pass through it.27 Same was the case in Palghat. A Kerala Cheruman, considered a member of untouchable caste, after embracing the Islamic religion passed through the street prohibited for the member of that caste. A Brahmin cloth merchant and a Nair betal shop owner gazed at him but soon a traditional Muslim scolded them in obscene words and the two gentlemen put their head down in disgrace, while the Cheruman proceeded laughing at the Brahmin and the Nair merchants.28 In the society, the place of the various castes depended on the position they enjoyed in the caste hierarchy. The distinction and status are settled by the degree of pollution that existed between the various castes. With respect to the ritually high castes in the rural areas, there seems to have existed the question of dominance. In villages, it all depended on the size of the arable land possessed by the individual caste groups. In some regions a ritually lower caste might command dominance over the immediate ritually higher caste. Nevertheless, the fact remains that the ritualistic conception of high and low castes in the hierarchy remained unaltered throughout the formative periods in the history of Tamilnadu.29 Owing to westernization of administrative and industrial positions, the rest of the castes might have recognized the dominance of a particular community, but the degree of pollution ritually still remains intact.

This position continued to dominate the social structure in Tamilnadu. In the first quarter of the twentieth century, Tamilnadu witnessed the emergence of a new movement to counteract the domination of the Brahmins as the highest caste in the caste hierarchy.30 It is still a mater to be seen whether the new movement was able to bring forth desired results in establishing social equality in Tamilnadu. It is really a fact that no incident originates from vacuum and every effect in history, of course, has a cause or causes, which form the basis for the effect. It is the case with the particular type of movements that emerged in Peninsular India in general and that of the Madras Presidency in particular.

References

  1. The Hindu, Madras, 15 November 1924.
  2. The Arasu, Madras, 8 August 1926.
  3. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol.I, Delhi, 1960, pp.283-284.
  4. India, Madras, 24 November 1927.
  5. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. IV, Delhi, 1960, p.479.
  6. Muthu. V. Periyar E.V.R. Chinthanaikal, (T), Vol. I., Tiruchinapalli, 1974 p. 416.
  7. Subramaniam, C., A Study of the Literature of the Chera Country, Madras, 1980, p.70.
  8. Libera R. Joshi, (Ed)., Voices of the Dalit Liberation Movement, New Delhi, 1985. 0.5.
  9. They call themselves as ‘Vishvakarma Brahmans’.
  10. Srinivas, M.N., Social Change in Modern India, Barkeley, 1966, p.6.
  11. Chidamabaranar, Tamilar Thalaivar- Periyar E.V.R. Vazhkai Varalaru. (T), Madras, p. 202.
  12. Sami. E.V. Dravidar Aryar Unmai, (T), Collection of speeches, Erode.
  13. History of Freedom Movement, Bunddle No: 72, 1921-36, 13 January 1923.
  14. Srinivas, M.N., Social Change in Modern India, Barkeley, 1966, p.5.
  15. Valluvan cey Tirukkuralai maruva Ra nankunarnthoorkal ulluvaroo Manunvaathi oru Kulattukku oru niithi.
  16. Maraimalai Adigal, Arivu Kothu, Madras, 1970, p.20.
  17. Srinivas. M.N., Op.cit. Pp.506.
  18. Aiyamuthu, C.A., Eanatu Ninaivukal, (T), Madras, 1973. P.116.
  19. Annadurai, C.N. Ariya Maayai, Tiruchinappallai, 1974. P.46.
  20. Ibid., p.48.
  21. Ibid., p. 57.
  22. Ibid., pp. 58-59 Here he quotes the judgement pronounced by two Judges in the Madras, High Court on 5 February 1946. In support of his arguments, a Brahmin advocate by name Janaki Ramamoorthy married a non-Brahmin lady namely Nilavenkatasubbamma on 16 October 1926.
  23. Interview with Anaimuthu, V., Chennai, 25 December 2006.
  24. Among the Indian Christians, there are Pallar Christians, Parayar Christians, Asari Christians, Naidu Christians, Nadar Christians and Vellala Christians.
  25. During the Vaikkom Satyagraha against untouchability, which he led during a stage of the Satyagraha, E.V. Ramasami noted that the Ezhavas belong to the touchable caste.
  26. Young India, 1 May 1924; The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Delhi, 1960.
  27. Kudi Arasu, Madras, 2 August 1931.
  28. Eugene, F. Irschiek, Politics and Social Conflict in South India: The Non-Brahman Movement and Tamil Separatism, 1916 to 1929, California 1969, pp.188-89.
  29. Eugene, F. Irschick, Tamil Revivalism in the 1930s, Madras, 1986, pp. 72-73.