Abstract
The women of this country till today leading a life subordination in comparison with men in all aspects. Barring some exceptions, so long they have been treated as an abject of pleasure, as a human being to assist men and an instrument for giving birth to children. Similarly in the long history of the Tamil country, very rarely women enjoyed equal status and opportunities along with men. The Chola dynasty was also no exception to this. Despite the Cholas had excelled in different aspects of life such as political, economical, cultural and religious, the status of women were kept very low, though scholars like Dr.R. Nagaswamy, Prof. V. Balambal and Prof. K. Sadasivan define in other words. Dr. R. Nagaswamy and Prof. V. Balambal just by studying1 the status of a few royal women of the Chola dynasty and by generalizing the subject conclude that the status of women was very high. It is unfortunate that these two scholars have failed to take note of common women who eked out their life in servitudes and disabilities. Likewise Prof. K. Sadasivan in his study on the Devadasis of Rajarajeeswarm temple2 at Thanjavur concludes that the status of the Chola women was high by taking into account of the provisions and privileges enjoyed by the devadasis. In the modern point of view the professions of a devadasi itself is not only contemptuous but also a dark spot in a civilized society. Neverthless, if one judiciously study the system he can find out that they were used as an object of beauty, pleasure and the centre of entertainment for the men folk. They were neither treated equal nor allowed to enjoy equal opportunities along with men in any field.
No Right to Inherit
The Chola rulers followed the theory of primogeniture. After the death of the ruler his eldest son used to inherit the throne. Even under the Muslim rule in Delhi, a woman named Raziyya Begum was able to occupy the sultanate. But in the Chola country no women was occupied the throne even in the absence of suitable heir to inherit the throne after the death of the ruler. Even the wife was young and educated while her husband died, she was not considered suitable to inherit the throne. For instance, Sempiyan Mahadevi, the queen of Kandaratitya who was widowed at a very young age. She lived with her husband for about 15 years and in 958 A.D., when Kandaratitya died though she was young, educated and energetic, she was not considered suitable even in the absence of male ruler than an efficient woman ruler. Therefore they selected his brother Arinjaya (who proved his inefficiency later) to inherit the throne after the death of Kandaratiya. Feeling very much disappointed over the incident she thereafter spent rest of her life in erecting religious edifices and granting endowments to temples for the proper up keep of the same. She even constructed the famous Umamakeeswarar temple at Konerirajapuram near Kumbakonam in honour of her deceased husband3.
Sometimes after the death of the king, instead of appointing his wife to rule the country, they appointed only his son irrespective of tender age to inherit the throne. if the son was so young they appointed a regent to look after the affairs of the state till the boy attains adulthood. For instance when the Chola king Rajaraja II died, Rajadhiraja, a child of two years old, was made as Yuvaraja and the Chief Minister became the regent and carried on the administration of the kingdom. Though the child was crowned as king at a tender age, the Government was continued in the hands of the Chief Minister who discharged his duties with unflinching loyalty to the crown4. Similarly when Rajendra I died in 1044 A.D. left behind him three sons. Rajadhiraja, Rajendra II and Viarajendra. Of them the first two had no sons. Therefore, Rajadhiraja appointed his younger brother Rajendra II as Yuvaraja to assist him in the administration. Like wise after became the King, Rajendra II appointed his younger brother Virarajendra as Yuvaraja on the premature death of his own son while he was the crown prince5.
After the death of the husband his wife was not allowed to sell his properties even if she desired so. The son of the deceased man was entitled to inherit the properties and also the dues. If the son was young some close male relatives acted as guardian of the properties and also the dues. He only had the right to sell the property which right was denied to the deceased man’s wife. As an instance an inscription refers to an incident where the deceased husbands brother acted as the guardian for the sale of the property because the son was a minor6. Another inscription7 of 13th century A.D. from Omampuliyur shows that the father of the lady acted as the guardian for the sale. A land belonging to a lady named of Alapirantal wife of Palacirayan was sold and in this case the father of the lady Karunakara Nampi acted as the guardian for the sale. Neverthless they were denied the right to serve as members of village assemblies and also to act as judges to decide legal disputes. Their voices should have been heared only indirectly8. Thus the women were not only considered incapable to rule but also incapable even to represent their cause.
Political Marriages
Normally Indian kings were fond of marrying many women. We hear of numerous wives in the case of most of the Tamil rulers. The Venitian traveler Marco Polo9 says that the Pandiyan king Kulasekara Pandya had 300 wives. The king generally married within his family and chose a bride of his caste and status. We have also instance of marrying in different families for political reasons. For instance the Chola king Parantaka I married a Rastrakuta princess purely for maintaining cordial relationship with that power and to check the popularity of his enemies. Similarly Rajaraja’s matrimonial relationship with Western Chalukyas was no doubt a master stroke of diplomacy. Rajaraja I gave his daughter Kundavai to Vimaladitya, the Eastern Chalukya prince to maintain their relations and to curtail the influence of the Western Chalukyas10. This marriage relation proved to be a best diplomacy which maintained cordial relation with not only the Eastern Chalukyas but also curtailed the influence of the Western Chalukyas. Neverthless in due course it become the noble lineage and it captured the Chola throne when Kulottunga I become the Chola emperor. Uttama Chola had atleast five wives, Rajaraja – I and Rajendra I had hundred of wives. They maintained separate harem which was a vast establishment which included princesses captured in war. They were provided separate apartment and had their separate routeine which looked after their comforts11. Men married women and employed them as animals without individual rights and duties during the Chola period.
Woman Captives In War
During the Chola period women were treated as a valuable object and a precious metal. In times of war instead of giving them safe and security they were annexed as war booty along with other spoils of war and were transported to the home of the victorious party and then used for their filthy purposes. This practice was prevalent in the tamil country even from the Sangam age. Pattinappalai12 refers the women captives as Kontimakalir and elaborates that they were ill-treated by using them to light lamps in the temple at Kaveripoompattinam. Padirrupattu13 further states that the women captives were tonsured by cutting their hair to make robe and dragged the Kavel tree out of it by using elephants. During the Chola period the women captives were not only ill-treated and tonsured but also killed them without showing any mercy. For instance the Hottur inscription14 Satyasraya states that the Chola army after ravaging the Chalukyan country murdered many women and children. The Chola kings did not leave even the royal queen and the princess from the defeated country. They were brought home and used to satisfy their base pleasures. For instance Virarajendra, the Chola king after defeating the Chalukyan army captured the only daughter of the Chalukyan king named Naglai and after raping her he cut off her nose15. In the same way the Manimangalam inscription of Rajathiraja I states king Virasalamegan captured his wife, daughter, sister and cut off their noses16. Similarly at the battle of Koppam Rajendra II defeated the Chalukyan forces and captured the two Chalukyan queens Satiyavvai and Sangappai and took them home17. The Polonanuruva inscription18 of Mahinda II says that along with the royal treasures the Chola army of Rajaraja I carried away the queens of the Ceylonese ruler. The Pandyas also continued such inhuman practices. They forced the defeated queens to do menial services. For instance Jatavarman Sundara pandya after his victory over the Cholas had captured all women including the chief queen and other auspicious objects before the Pandya ruler19. These instances testify that the medival Tamil ruler rather considering women as their equals, treated them as objects at their disposal.
Devadasi System
Another peculiar system which depict the degradation of the status of women under the Cholas was the devadasi system. The devadasi system was introduced with the nobel purpose of enriching the cultures of the Cholas. But in practice it functioned as a centre of cultural degradation. The devadasis were selected from noble birth and were given due training before they were enlisted to the cause of the promotion of various arts and cultures such as music, dance and drama. They were sometimes purchased20 and on some other occasions the whole family itself voluntarily dedicated themselves to become devadasis21. Nevertheless frequently they were on the orders of the king transferred from one temple to another. For instance Rajaraja I transferred some 400 devadasis from various temples to the newly constructed Rajarajeeswaram temple at Thanjuvur22. These ladies apart from singing and dancing in front of the Lord, had to do other services such as fetching flowers, stringing them into garlands, sweeping and smearing the temple floor, washing the temple clothes, husking paddy and also reciting sacred hymns23. In order to supervise these women and to maintain discipline special officers were appointed. They had been strictly watched against any dereliction of the assigned duties and intrigues against royal authority.
Though K. Sadasivan claim that this was a prestigious social institution had been set up to promote various arts and culture, in practice they were used as an object of pleasure, centre of entertainment, thing to satisfy the lust of the king, other royal members and the higher officials. They had not only to entertain God by singing and dancing, had also to entertain the king, other royal members and also the officials of the temple. In the later part of the Chola period men began to misuse these women to satisfy their lust and in due course they degenerated into dens of prostitution and subsequently turned to be the rotten asylums of reckless men25.
From the economic point of view, their position was one of servitude as slaves in general. They had to live on the mercy of the king and were paid very poorly. In order to maintain their livelihood they thereafter sold themselves to temples as slaves. For instance an inscription26 found at Tiruchengattangudi dated in the 12th year of Rajaraja II mentions that five devadasis voluntarily sold themselves to the temple as slaves. While the condition of the so called well placed devadasis were like this the condition of ordinary women were very pathetic and pity. Many sold themselves as slaves to the king and the temples purely for earning their bread. In addition to the above, social disabilities such as slavery was prevalent during the Chola period. Inscriptions and literature of this period testify that women were purchased and sold as animals. The unequal distribution of wealth and opportunities, natural calamities and poverty were the root cause for such problems. During famine in order to eke out their lives, men used to sell their daughters. For instance, during the reign of Kulottunga III there seems to have a severe famine in the Chola country. So in order to find food for his life, a man from Tiruppampuram found selling his two daughters for the price of 110 kasus27. Another inscription from Melapperumpallam near Thanjavur records28, a sale of seven women including the seller herself to the local Siva temple for 30 kasus by a lady called Aryanperungudi with her husband Chandisverapperiyar of Ambar as her agent. Another inscription29 also from the same place refers to the sale of 15 persons by a Nambarambikadugal, wife of a Vellala residing at Chola Padyanallur comprising herself, her daughter and others for 30 Kasus. The slaves were employed in cleaning the temple, bringing water decorating the enclosures, maintaining gardens etc. Besides this, sometimes slaves were employed to light lamps30 to conduct festivals,31 to husk paddy32 to wash clothes33 etc. These scattered references testify that women were purchased and sold and there after employed to do menial works. In a civilized society it is contemptuous to exploit the women in this way for the well being of the menfolk.
Apart from all these, social evils such as sati, dowry system were also prevalent in the society both in the royal family and also among the common people. Self immolation of women on the funeral pyre of her husband was a common affair. For instance when Sundara Chola died in 970 A.D. his wife Vanavanmahadevi, mother of Rajaraja I committed sati34. Even by the time of entering pyre, women sometimes used to institute endowments on the memory of her deceased husband. For instance Gangamadeviyar wife of Vira Chola endowed a lamp at the local temple on the memory of the deceased husband before she entered into the pyre35. Performance of sati was considered as a virtuous act under the Cholas. The successors of the women who committed sati were honourably treated and offered financial assistance. For instance an inscription36 found at Tirunelveli refers to the donations made to the dependents of the women who committed sati. The women who lives without committing sati after the death of her husband had to suffer torture from the relatives of the deceased husband. For instance an inscription37 found at the North wall of Gramchantheswara temple, Thirukoyilur, South Arcot District elaborates her torture life, she leads after the death of her husband. She says that she was treated as a slave of the family and had denied the right to attend social gatherings. These references testify the social inequality between men and women prevailed in the Chola period.
Above all the worst was the existence of the dowry system. This was the bride price paid to the bride groom at the time of marriage. As an evidence during the reign of Kulottunga III, Vadugandevan, a resident of Thanjavur gave 2/3 of the share of his property to his two daughters38 as Shirdana at the time of their marriage. Thus taking into account of the above, it is well known that women of the Chola dynasty faced many handicaps in comparison to men. The women were denied of opportunities such as inheritance, property rights, the life of ease and were always kept as their subordinates. Furthermore there were social evils such as child marriage, devadasi system, sati system and dowry system. These systems undermine the prestige of the Cholas though they had excelled in various arts and culture.
Dr. C. Selvaraj
Formerly Associate Professor, Department of History and Research Centre, NM Christian College, Marthandam, Kanyakumari .
References
1. V. Balambal, Great Women of Chola dynasty, Journal of Tamil studies, Vol.X, 1976, pp 71-88. R. Nagaswamy, The position of women in Medieval Tamil Nadu-A study, Journal of Asian studies, Vol.I, No.2, March 1984,pp 95-110.
2.K.Sadasivan, Rajarajeswaram and its Talicherinnendugal, The Bulletin of the institute of the traditional cultures of South and South East Asia, Madras, 1986 january to December 1988.
3. SII, Vol.III, No. 146.
4. SII, Vol.XVI,pp. 184-193, Ouarterly journal of Mythic society, Vol.XIV, p 57.
5. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Cholas, University of Madras, 1975, pp 291-292.
6. SII, Vol.XII, No. 199
7. SII, Vol.XII, No. 224
8. R. Nagaswamy, op.cit., p. 108
9. Travels of Macro polo, p 293.
10. Indian Antiquerry, Vol. XIV, p 52.
11. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, op.cit, p. 52.
12. Pattinappalai, 11 : 246-249.
13. Padirrupattu, 50 : 15-19.
14. E.I., Vol. XIV, p 75.
15. SII, Vol.III, No. 20.
16. SII, Vol.III, No. 28.
17. SII, Vol.III, No. 29.
18. E.Z., Vol.V, No.I, pp 10-11.
19. SII, Vol. XIV, No. 372.
20. A.R.E., 230 of 1916, 1917-18, pt, II para 41.
21. A.R.E., 230 of 1922, A.R.E., 1406 of 1923 pt. II para 24, p 99.
22. SII, Vol.II, No.56, 66.
23. Dr.K. Sadasivan, Devadasi system in Medieval Tamil Nadu (Unpublished Ph.D thesis) Madurai Kamaraj University, 1987, pp 117-125, S.I.I., Vol.II, Pt. III,
24. Dr. K. Sadasivan, Rajarajeswaram and its Talichcheri Daendugal, pp 10-11.
25. K.M. Venkataramaya, Administration and social life under the Maratha rulers of Thanjavur, Thanjavur, 1984, p. 78.
26. A.R.E., No. 80 of 1913.
27. A.R.E., 86 of 1911, pt.II para 29.
28. A.R.E., 218 of 1925.
29. A.R.E., 219 of 1925.
30. A.R.E., 370 of 1916.
31. A.R.E., 248 of 1906.
32. A.R.E., 247 of 1910.
33. A.R.E., 578 of 1916.
34. A.R.E., 634 of 1920; 73 of 1921; 464 of 1918; 250 of 1915.
35. A.R.E., 376 of 1903.
36. A.R.E., 363 of 1959-1960.
37. A.R.E., 156 of 1906, A.R.E., 1907 pt.II, No. 41.
38. A.R.E., 313 of 1929.